|
Those spooky patents on Genes
By Joaquín
Morales*,
La Paz, 2 July 2007.
The recent Cumbre Andina de Naciones held in Tarija
brought controversy about the particular conditions that Bolivia
put forward to negotiate conditions of a free trade agreement
with the European Union. One of the arguments held by the
Bolivian government to distrust the agreement was that special
clauses where required to protect genetic patrimony and ancient
knowledge concerning the use of medicinal plants.
This subject is highly controversial, and since the government
is so close to Anti-globalisation movements and several NGOs, we
couldn’t expect any different posture. But one thing is
political posture and another one is reality.
Is the government right to fear the EU’s intellectual property
regime of genes?
The directive 98/44 of the European Council
(1) regarding protection of innovations in Biotechnologies
restraints the gene patenting scope to non-agricultural
activities or to plants which genetic code has been modified by
the introduction of external sequences trough genetic
engineering (i.e. GMOs). Concerning GMOs, the Cartagena Protocol
promoted by the UE applies a strict control over the use and
diffusion of GMO crops, applying very strictly the precaution
principle, meaning having very strict rules concerning the
possible consequences of using GMO in open fields and for
consumption. Few European States’ internal norms are as strict
as the EU directive. Mr. José Bové, fervent French anti-GMO
activist and friend of Evo Morales, was surprised to discover
than when razing GM corn fields, he was strictly applying the
European directive.
On the contrary, Bolivia has one of the most flexible laws
concerning patenting of genes
(2) , their extraction and the use of GMOs. There is no
particular disposition about patents on genes, which are
protected by the patent dispositions of Codigo de Comercio,
and the Cartagena agreement signed by Bolivia creates a
commission that has a discretionary power to allow or not
extraction of genetic patrimony, but has no legal specifications
of how the contract and breath of the patents should be. In few
words, we are very protective of things oddly defined and
generally unknown. It is quite bizarre that the Bolivian
government put forward such a defensive argument, since EU
should feel unprotected related to Bolivian norms on GMOs.
But I indeed believe that some very important inefficiencies
could kick due to the international patent regime on genes, even
if I don’t believe to be following the same line of thought than
the government’s.
The issue of value uncertainty
The length of a patent is a critical factor determining its
value, but concerning biotech several hazards might modify the
value of a patent in time. If physical secondary effects appear,
new innovations are made (other GMOs replace them), legislation
changes or simply consumer preferences are modified; the value
of a patent could drop.
Another important determinant of a patent value is its breath,
namely how wide its application is. The wider the patent is the
most valuable it becomes, because it confers considerable
monopoly power. Indeed, the legal description of the innovation
could be too vague
(3) , which means that several processes could be protected
by this property right. This phenomenon is more important in new
industrial areas, where knowledge of the scientific community
remains vague; hence it is difficult to define the exact nature
of what is protected. Genes are no exception, because not all
potentialities of a gene segment are known, and worse, the gene
could contain undiscovered properties that are nevertheless
protected. This is contradictory with the definition of a
patent, because we are protecting something unknown. When a
specific function of a gene is protected, no competitors can get
access freely to the decryption, so other applications remain
untouched. The more upstream the patenting is done, the wider
the protection is and the more information is uncertain.
Patents diverted from their original purpose
Contrary to the tragedy of the commons, where lack of definition
of property rights over a common exhaustible good induces
over-extraction and free riding, the tragedy of the anti-commons
(4) applies to inexhaustible goods underexploited because of
excessive fragmentation of property rights. We might think of
patents on GM organisms as a form of under-provision of
externalities. Indeed, an innovation in biotechnologies, like
the decryption of a genetic code, could by becoming a public
good be used by several researchers to continue their own work.
But as we need incentives to allow this innovation to happen in
the first place, a system of intellectual property rights has to
be established. If the second researcher has to pay only one
licence to continue his research, the trade-off between
incentives to innovate and allowing knowledge externalities
could reach an equilibrium trough easy negotiation. But has we
have seen, property rights definition is blurry and it’s
probable that the researcher will be confronted to a “patent
thicket” were the accumulation of red tape required to break
trough a licence makes the cost of continuing the research
higher than the expected benefits. There is an under-provision
of the knowledge externality that works in the symmetrically
opposed way of the tragedy of the commons. This is a translation
of the Coase theorem: there is no market efficiency concerning
the patents on genes because valuation and negotiation is too
costly, assets value is uncertain, information incomplete and
knowledge externalities are underprovided.
This has lead to the concentration of patents by few
corporations and to use patents not as a way to protect
innovation, which is too risky, but to make private benefits
trough legal procedures, which seems less uncertain, given the
lawyer capacities and lobbying power
(5). Indeed, it is more rational for corporations to patent
the biggest amount of genes, justifying some made-up utility,
and then letting these patents rest to avoid competition from
starting research on those genes. It is also interesting for the
company to wait for the gene to be developed by other
researchers or corporations without knowing it, and afterwards
charge fees or intend trials for patent infringement. This is
called “patent mining” and is a technique used in several
research sectors, but it seems especially profitable concerning
biotechnologies, as the content of the patent is not
specifically defined.
Again, I’m not sure that those are the reasons for the
government to believe that EU intellectual property regime on
genes is a bad thing, but I agree that the current legal frame
applied to gene protection is too old and inefficient.
(*) Researcher at the Institute for
Advanced Development Studies, La Paz, Bolivia. The author
happily receives comments at the following e-mail:
jsmoralesb@gmail.com .
(1)
Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council
of 6 July 1998 on the legal protection of biotechnological
inventions.
(2)
Reglamento sobre Bioseguridad, promulgado por Decreto Supremo
24676 del 21 de junio de1997
(3)
Lévêque, François, Ménière, Yann, The Economics of Patents
and Copyright, Berkeley
Electronic Press, Paris, 2004.
(4)
Jaffe, Adam B. and Lerner, Josh: Innovation and Its
Discontents Princeton University Press, september 2004.
(5)
Koons Garcia, Deborah, The future of food, Lily films,
2004.
Ó
Institute for Advanced Development Studies 2007.
If you would like to receive the Monday Morning
Development
Newsletter by e-mail, please
fill in your information here:
|